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Free & Fair

Four Sub-Categories of Uncounted Ballots

As we head into Tuesday evening, at Election Law @ Moritz we will be looking for publicly available numbers on these four sub-categories of ballots that will not be included in the initial returns but that potentially will (or at least may) be counted down the road:

1.  Provisional Ballots.  (We’ve discussed this sub-category previously.)

2.  Overseas and "Late Arriving" Absentee Ballots.  These are the ones that are the subject of the lawsuit filed in Virginia by the McCain campaign.  Each state's law potentially intersects with federal law a bit differently on the timetable for counting these ballots.

3.  Problematic Absentee Ballots.  This is the sub-category that is probably least well-understood at the moment, in terms of its potential volume.   Various battleground states (Colorado, Florida, Indiana, and Ohio) have seen reports about absentee ballots that have been set aside as potentially uncountable.  Ohio’s Secretary of State Brunner issued a directive late yesterday requiring absentee voters in this situation to receive notice so that they potentially can rectify problems in order for their ballots to be counted. 

4.  “Residual” Optical Scan Ballots.  These are paper ballots for which the machine records no vote for particular races, and sometimes the machine is in error. 

The total number of uncounted ballots, combining all four of these sub-categories, potentially hangs over the initial returns in each statewide (including presidential) or local election.  To be sure, it is not enough that this total number equal a candidate’s lead in the initial returns in order to put on hold, or cast a doubt about, the outcome of that race.  For example, if a candidate is leading by 10,000 votes in initial returns and there are also 10,000 total uncounted ballots, it is obviously extraordinarily unlikely that all 10,000 would have been cast for the leading candidate’s opponent.  Thus, as a practical matter, there needs to be significantly more uncounted ballots than the candidate’s lead in initial returns in order to potentially make a difference.  But there is no clear magic number on this point.  It depends on which precincts the uncounted ballots were cast in and each candidate’s relative strength in those precincts.  Also, the different types of sub-categories might tend to lean more or less in favor of one candidate than another (e.g., provisional ballots more likely Democratic in certain precincts, whereas overseas absentee ballots more likely Republican, even perhaps in the same precincts). 

It is unclear what time tonight, or tomorrow, we will have reliable numbers in each state concerning each of these four sub-categories.

Edward B. Foley is Director of the Election Law @ Moritz program. His primary area of current research concerns the resolution of disputed elections. Having published several law journal articles on this topic, he is currently writing a book on the history of disputed elections in the United States. He is also serving as Reporter for the American Law Institute's new Election Law project. Professor Foley's "Free & Fair" is a collection of his writings that he has penned for Election Law @ Moritz. View Complete Profile

Commentary

Donald B. Tobin

FAQ on social welfare organizations

Donald B. Tobin

The Frank E. and Virginia H. Bazler Designated Professor in Business Law and a senior fellow at Election Law @ Moritz explains the nuances of social welfare organizations and federal regulations related to them.

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In the News

Donald B. Tobin

How Did The IRS Get The Job Of Vetting Political Activity?

Professor Donald Tobin was interviewed by the Boston NPR station on its show Here & Now about the Internal Revenue Service's investigation into groups classified as social welfare organizations (marked by the 501(c)(4) tax classification). The IRS was in search of groups that are not focusing primarly on the social welfare of the country, but have a strong political advocacy facet. Political advocacy groups might want to be classified as 501(c)(4) organizations because under that classification they do not have to disclose their donors.

"The key is if you are going to be engaged in candidate-type advocacy, and if you're going to intervene in elections and engage in election advocacy, we want disclosure of who your donors are," Tobin said.

“What groups are trying to do here is avoid having to disclose,” Tobin continued. “By earning the classification of social welfare, they’re avoiding the campaign disclosure that’s required for political organizations. So that’s really the underpinning of why we have this mess of the IRS having to get in and investigate and figure out whether an organization is political or not.”

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Ohio House Committee Recommends Upholding Landis' Election Victory

Yesterday, an Ohio House of Representatives committee recommended 5-4 that the Ohio House uphold the election victory of Republican State Representative Al Landis over Democratic challenger Josh O'Farrell. In February, the Ohio Supreme Court sent the O'Farrell v. Landis record to the House for consideration. According to an article in the Canton Repository, committee chairman and State Representative Matt Huffman said he expects a vote by the full House later this month.

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