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Commentary

Reluctance to Void Elections - Some Memorable Cases

The closeness and counting irregularities in the ongoing Minnesota Senate contest have prompted discussion of just voiding the result and calling a new election.  Regardless of whether granting such a remedy is good policy, it is unlikely to happen under Minnesota law, just as it would be unlikely to happen in any state.  In fact, despite the fact that I've read hundreds of election contest lawsuits, I've read only a handful that granted any kind of meaningful remedy, and even fewer that voided an entire election.  Here are good examples of cases that appeared to have some merit but ultimately failed.

Election for Ohio Attorney General (1990).  In this case, the Supreme Court of Ohio denied an election contest by Paul Pfeiffer claiming that he was the true winner of the 1990 election for AG.  Pfeiffer lost the initial count by 1,234 votes but proved to the Ohio Supreme Court that the candidates' names on 94,869 ballots had not been rotated properly.  In re Election of Nov. 6, 1990 for Office of Atty. Gen. of Ohio, 569 N.E.2d 447 (Ohio, 1991).  The court acknowledged “that improper ballot rotation could have an effect,” but said that “the extent of this effect depends on the record developed in each case.”  Id. at 454.  After describing expert testimony from both sides regarding the effect of the improper ballot rotation, the court concluded that it affected vote totals somewhere between zero and ten percent, but “that the correct percentage would be closer to zero than ten percent.”  Id. at 455.   Using this percentage, the court determined that the contestant failed to prove by clear and convincing evidence that the improper ballot rotation made the true result of the election uncertain.  Id. at 457.  Paul Pfeiffer now sits on the Supreme Court of Ohio.

Election for Illinois Governor (1982).  The initial count showed incumbent Jim Thompson ahead of Adlai Stevenson by 5,074 votes out of about 3.6 million cast statewide. In re Contest for Governor, 444 N.E.2d 170, 172 (Ill., 1983). Stevenson obtained a partial “discovery recount” in precincts in 70 counties to generate evidence for an election contest.  Id. at 179.  Based on that discovery recount, Stevenson filed an election contest alleging that some improper duplicate ballots were counted, that ballots were improperly counted despite the fact that they were not initialed or initialed only partially by election judges, that some were counted despite having identifying marks upon them, and that some were counted despite being cast by ineligible voters.  Id. at 181.  Stevenson alleged that if these errors were corrected, it would have put him ahead by 4,664 votes.  Id. at 180. Stevenson hoped to use the discovery provisions of the election contest laws to find still more votes in his favor.

However, the Illinois Supreme Court dismissed the lawsuit, and did so in a curious way.  Instead of following the normal standard that decides a motion to dismiss, the court did not assume, for purposes of the motion, that the facts stated in the complaint were true.  Instead, the court went "behind the pleadings" to look at the conduct of the original partial recount and then dismissed the case because it said that Adlai Stevenson had no reasonable cause to complain about the conduct of the counting and recounting activities. A grand jury later determined that Adlai Stevenson had unwittingly benefited from some 100,000 illegal ballots that had been cast in Chicago in the 1982 gubernatorial election.  U.S. to Probe Primary Vote Fraud, Chicago Tribune, March 11, 1987.  The Illinois legislature later changed election contest procedures based on the court's ruling.

Election for Washington governor (2004).  Two initial recounts showed that Rossi (R) was ahead but the third and final recount showed Gregoire (D) up by 129 votes out of 2.9 million cast.  The case ended up in the Chelan County Superior Court where, despite having concluded that 1,678 illegal ballots were counted in the election, the court would not grant a remedy for Rossi's allegation that "it was impossible to determine which gubernatorial candidate received the greatest number of legitimate votes" (see here).  The court refused to hear evidence concerning the political predilections of the voters who had cast illegal ballots.

Will the Franken/Coleman litigation join this dustbin of "close but no cigar"cases?  Well, in general a plaintiff who wants to win an election contest has to have very credible evidence of who should have won.  The defendant, on the other hand, in most states (including Minnesota) can usually prevail if the evidence is murky and the true result is unclear.  Furthermore, in very very close statewide elections like Franken/Coleman, the result is always going to be "murky" in some way due to the close margin and the inability to eliminate small human errors.  That puts the defendant in a pretty good position.

Commentary

Donald B. Tobin

FAQ on social welfare organizations

Donald B. Tobin

The Frank E. and Virginia H. Bazler Designated Professor in Business Law and a senior fellow at Election Law @ Moritz explains the nuances of social welfare organizations and federal regulations related to them.

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In the News

Donald B. Tobin

How Did The IRS Get The Job Of Vetting Political Activity?

Professor Donald Tobin was interviewed by the Boston NPR station on its show Here & Now about the Internal Revenue Service's investigation into groups classified as social welfare organizations (marked by the 501(c)(4) tax classification). The IRS was in search of groups that are not focusing primarly on the social welfare of the country, but have a strong political advocacy facet. Political advocacy groups might want to be classified as 501(c)(4) organizations because under that classification they do not have to disclose their donors.

"The key is if you are going to be engaged in candidate-type advocacy, and if you're going to intervene in elections and engage in election advocacy, we want disclosure of who your donors are," Tobin said.

“What groups are trying to do here is avoid having to disclose,” Tobin continued. “By earning the classification of social welfare, they’re avoiding the campaign disclosure that’s required for political organizations. So that’s really the underpinning of why we have this mess of the IRS having to get in and investigate and figure out whether an organization is political or not.”

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Info & Analysis

Ohio House Committee Recommends Upholding Landis' Election Victory

Yesterday, an Ohio House of Representatives committee recommended 5-4 that the Ohio House uphold the election victory of Republican State Representative Al Landis over Democratic challenger Josh O'Farrell. In February, the Ohio Supreme Court sent the O'Farrell v. Landis record to the House for consideration. According to an article in the Canton Repository, committee chairman and State Representative Matt Huffman said he expects a vote by the full House later this month.

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