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Information & Analysis

Post-Election Disputes in Virginia’s US Senate Race

As of this posting, the race for US Senator from Virginia is very close, suggesting that the outcome may remain unsettled for some additional period, perhaps not only until a recount is completed, but beyond. Indeed, in this case the Senate itself may determine the ultimate outcome, sometime next year. Here’s why. In Virginia, the defeated candidate may obtain a recount if the margin of victory is equal to or less than 1% of the total votes cast for the apparent winner and the defeated candidate combined. V.C.A. 24.2-800. To request a recount, the defeated candidate must file a recount petition within ten days of the certification of the results. V.C.A. 24.2-801. A recount court then convenes and fixes the procedures used to recount the votes. V.C.A. 24.2-802. The recount “shall not take into account (i) any absentee ballots or provisional ballots sought to be cast but ruled invalid and not cast in the election….” Id. Additionally, “the eligibility of any voter to have voted shall not be an issue in a recount.” Id. These provisions, especially when coupled with the automated tabulation systems in use in Virginia, seem to indicate that the recount process alone is not likely to produce dramatic changes in the vote totals, as Dan Tokaji suggested last night. Meanwhile, in a typical state election, challenges to the legitimacy of specific ballots instead could be raised in a contest proceeding. But Virginia’s contest provisions by their terms do not appear to apply to US Senate races. While V.C.A. 24.2-800, entitled “Recounts in all elections,” states that it applies to “all elections held in the Commonwealth,” Virginia’s election contest provisions do not similarly state that they apply to all elections. Rather, separate contest provisions govern General Assembly races (V.C.A. 24.2-803); races for Governor, Lieutenant Governor, and Attorney General (V.C.A. 24.2-804); races for electors for US President, electors for US Vice President, and primary races for US Senate or statewide office (V.C.A. 24.2-805); and races in “other primaries or elections,” including primaries for the US House (V.C.A. 24.2-806). Given the absence of any express statutory provision for a contest of a general election for US Senator, Virginia’s own precedents would appear to exclude such races from the jurisdiction of the state courts: “It is a firmly established general rule that the jurisdiction of courts exercising general equity powers does not include election contests, unless it is so provided expressly or impliedly by organic or statute laws. The reason for the exclusion is that the questions involved are political….’” Cundiff v. Jeter, 2 S.E.2d 436, 439 (Va., 1939), citing 19 Am.Jur. 359; see also Sanders v. School Board of Prince William County, 163 S.E. 394 (Va., 1932). In the absence of any state contest procedure, the US Senate, which has constitutional authority to judge the elections of its members, may end up as the only body authorized to resolve the political question of the outcome of this election, especially if after a state recount the margin remains very close. It would be the incoming Senate next January that would first face the question of judging the elections of its members. Moreover, the Senate may take up the matter even in the face of a valid state recount declaring a winner. While Virginia is free to conduct such recounts, this does not constrain the ability of the Senate to make an independent judgment of the election outcome: “A recount does not prevent the Senate from independently evaluating the election any more than the initial count does. The Senate is free to accept or reject the apparent winner in either count, and, if it chooses, to conduct its own recount." Roudebush v. Hartke, 405 U.S. 15, 25-26 (1972). Thus, the potential is real that a Senate divided 50 to 49 would be called upon to determine the rightful occupant of the 100th seat – an incredibly difficult task.

Commentary

Donald B. Tobin

FAQ on social welfare organizations

Donald B. Tobin

The Frank E. and Virginia H. Bazler Designated Professor in Business Law and a senior fellow at Election Law @ Moritz explains the nuances of social welfare organizations and federal regulations related to them.

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In the News

Donald B. Tobin

How Did The IRS Get The Job Of Vetting Political Activity?

Professor Donald Tobin was interviewed by the Boston NPR station on its show Here & Now about the Internal Revenue Service's investigation into groups classified as social welfare organizations (marked by the 501(c)(4) tax classification). The IRS was in search of groups that are not focusing primarly on the social welfare of the country, but have a strong political advocacy facet. Political advocacy groups might want to be classified as 501(c)(4) organizations because under that classification they do not have to disclose their donors.

"The key is if you are going to be engaged in candidate-type advocacy, and if you're going to intervene in elections and engage in election advocacy, we want disclosure of who your donors are," Tobin said.

“What groups are trying to do here is avoid having to disclose,” Tobin continued. “By earning the classification of social welfare, they’re avoiding the campaign disclosure that’s required for political organizations. So that’s really the underpinning of why we have this mess of the IRS having to get in and investigate and figure out whether an organization is political or not.”

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Info & Analysis

Ohio Secretary of State Releases Report on Voter Fraud

Ohio Secretary of State Jon Husted released a report today on voter fraud in Ohio during the 2012 general election. In a press release, Husted stated that while voter fraud does exist in Ohio, "it is not an epidemic." According to the report, 135 voter fraud cases have been referred to law enforcement for possible prosecution. Twenty of these cases involved voters attempting to vote in Ohio and another state. The report shows that 115 cases were referred to local Ohio county prosecutors. According to Husted as quoted in the Columbus Dispatch, most of these cases involved voters attempting to vote twice within the state, and in a "majority" of instances, only one vote was counted.

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